Tarpeia is an educational nonprofit specializing in American history. We curate online curricula, host repositories consisting of thousnands of primary source documents, and publish scholarly papers that enrich American history. Tarpeia Tarpeia Tarpeia Tarpeia Enriching Civic & Historical Literacy Make Your 2025 Contribution Bridging the Chasm Between the Frontier of Scholarship and What's in the Classroom for a More Educated Union The most comprehensive general history of American political thought & practice. Compendium The Compendium is Tarpeia's online repository of thousands of primary source documents from 1492-today. Pick a chapter to view documents. Colonial Era 1492-1763 Colonial Era 1492-1763 Colonial Era 1492-1763 Colonial Era 1492-1763 Chapter I La Conquista 1492-1603 View Chapter Chapter I La Conquista 1492-1603 Chapter II Frontier Pioneers 1603-1675 View Chapter Chapter II Frontier Pioneers 1603-1675 Chapter III Intercolonial Wars 1675-1763 View Chapter Chapter III Intercolonial Wars 1675-1763 Revolutionary Era 1763-1783 Revolutionary Era 1763-1783 Revolutionary Era 1763-1783 Revolutionary Era 1763-1783 Chapter IIII Taxes, Petitions & Reprisals 1763-1775 View Chapter Chapter IIII Taxes, Petitions & Reprisals 1763-1775 Chapter V War for Independence 1775-1783 View Chapter Chapter V War for Independence 1775-1783 Founding Era 1783-1817 Founding Era 1783-1817 Founding Era 1783-1817 Founding Era 1783-1817 Chapter VI Reconstitution 1783-1789 View Chapter Chapter VI Reconstitution 1783-1789 Chapter VII Federalism 1789-1801 View Chapter Chapter VII Federalism 1789-1801 Chapter VIII Republicanism 1801-1817 View Chapter Chapter VIII Republicanism 1801-1817 Antebellum Era 1817-1849 Antebellum Era 1817-1849 Antebellum Era 1817-1849 Antebellum Era 1817-1849 Chapter VIIII Good Feelings 1817-1829 View Chapter Chapter VIIII Good Feelings 1817-1829 Chapter X Common Man 1829-1841 View Chapter Chapter X Common Man 1829-1841 Chapter XI Manifest Destiny 1841-1849 View Chapter Chapter XI Manifest Destiny 1841-1849 Emancipation Era 1849-1885 Emancipation Era 1849-1885 Emancipation Era 1849-1885 Emancipation Era 1849-1885 Chapter XII Sectional Crisis 1849-1860 View Chapter Chapter XII Sectional Crisis 1849-1860 Chapter XIII Civil War 1860-1865 View Chapter Chapter XIII Civil War 1860-1865 Chapter XIIII Reconstruction 1865-1885 View Chapter Chapter XIIII Reconstruction 1865-1885 Progressive Era 1885-1913 Progressive Era 1885-1913 Progressive Era 1885-1913 Progressive Era 1885-1913 Chapter XV Gilded Age 1885-1897 View Chapter Chapter XV Gilded Age 1885-1897 Chapter XVI New Nationalism 1897-1913 View Chapter Chapter XVI New Nationalism 1897-1913 World Wars Era 1913-1945 World Wars Era 1913-1945 World Wars Era 1913-1945 World Wars Era 1913-1945 Chapter XVII World War I 1913-1921 View Chapter Chapter XVII World War I 1913-1921 Chapter XVIII Roaring Twenties 1921-1929 View Chapter Chapter XVIII Roaring Twenties 1921-1929 Chapter XVIIII Great Depression 1929-1941 View Chapter Chapter XVIIII Great Depression 1929-1941 Chapter XX World War II 1941-1945 View Chapter Chapter XX World War II 1941-1945 Cold War Era 1945-1989 Cold War Era 1945-1989 Cold War Era 1945-1989 Cold War Era 1945-1989 Chapter XXI Containment 1945-1961 View Chapter Chapter XXI Containment 1945-1961 Chapter XXII Detente 1961-1977 View Chapter Chapter XXII Detente 1961-1977 Chapter XXIII Perestroika 1977-1989 View Chapter Chapter XXIII Perestroika 1977-1989 Modern Era 1989-Today Modern Era 1989-Today Modern Era 1989-Today Modern Era 1989-Today Chapter XXIIII End of History 1989-2001 View Chapter Chapter XXIIII End of History 1989-2001 Chapter XXV War on Terror 2001-2017 View Chapter Chapter XXV War on Terror 2001-2017 Chapter XXVI Social War 2017-2029 View Chapter Chapter XXVI Social War 2017-2029 A primary site for primary sources, comprising thousands of historical documents. Curriculum The Curriculum is Tarpeia's online courses covering American political history. Pick a course to enroll in. FYI all of the courses are still under development. Colonial Era 27 Participants Free Enroll Revolutionary Era 28 Participants Free Enroll Founding Era 14 Participants Free Enroll Antebellum Era 17 Participants Free Enroll Emancipation Era 16 Participants Free Enroll Progressive Era 17 Participants Free Enroll World Wars Era 16 Participants Free Enroll Cold War Era 12 Participants Free Enroll Modern Era 17 Participants Free Enroll History gives context to civics and civics gives purpose to history. Praeconium The Praeconium is Tarpeia's family of journals where we publish academic papers, archival materials, op-eds, news, and satire. Pick a journal to read. FYI all of the journals are still under development. DIURNALIS Anno # Quarto # Mense # Diurnalis Introduction and Guidelines Diurnalis Introduction and Guidelines ARCHIVES Archives Introduction "Lyceum Address" - Abraham Lincoln Obama's Address to the British Parliament Whig Party Platform 1844 Colin Powell's Speech to the UN Security Council on WMDs in Iraq Constitutions, Government, & Charters - Thomas Paine Bush's Ultimatum to Saddam Hussein The Necessity of Taxation - Thomas Paine Dissertation on First Principles of Government - Thomas Paine Attack On Paper Money Laws - Thomas Paine GAZETTE Anno # Quarto # Mense # Gazette Introduction The American Cursus Honorum Gazette Introduction President's Pardon The President's Cabinet Double Jeopardy in Three Strikes Mark's Proposed Oath of Office and Pledge of Allegiance Annotated Constitution Direct Representation, Separate Checks & Balances of Powers & Legislative Supremacy Supreme Reforms TRIBUNE Anno # Quarto # Mense # Tribune Introduction Tribune Introduction ALMANAC Anno # Almanac Introduction Almanac Introduction Program Overview Engaging Americans in thoughtful contemplation & conversation of our shared past. Obama's Address to the British Parliament Play Video Share Whole Channel This Video Facebook Twitter Pinterest Tumblr Copy Link Link Copied Now Playing Obama's Address to the British Parliament 42:24 Play Video Now Playing Colin Powell's Speech to the UN Security Council on WMDs in Iraq 01:16:45 Play Video Now Playing Bush Jr.'s Ultimatum to Saddam Hussein 13:30 Play Video Now Playing Trump's 2025 Address to Congress 01:39:12 Play Video America Needs You! Your tax-deductible gift to Tarpeia will directly support our mission: "improving civic and historical literacy." Your generosity advances our efforts in historical preservation & education along with civic engagement, ensuring our impact across the nation and throughout future generations. Frequency One time One time Monthly Monthly Yearly Yearly Amount $5.00 $5.00 $10.00 $10.00 $20.00 $20.00 $50.00 $50.00 $100.00 $100.00 $250.00 $250.00 $500.00 $500.00 $1,000.00 $1,000.00 Other Other 0/100 Comment (optional) Donate Share Your Thoughts First Name Last Name Email How Did You Learn About Us? Message Send Thanks for your feedback! Feedback

Once a member, you can submit essays to the site and have them posted for free! Essays should be about politics but could include economics, science, social and cultural issues, and philosophy. Site Tree

Revolutionary Era < Back Chapter IIII: Taxes, Petitions & Reprisals 1763-1775 Previous Chapter Next Chapter Filter by Era Select Era Filter by Type Select Type Reset Year Month Day Document 1492 4 30 Privileges Granted to Columbus by the Spanish Monarchy 1492 8 3 Columbus' Letter of His First Voyage 1497 5 10 Amerigo Vespucci First Voyage 1497 7 22 Decree from Spain to Cultivate American Colonies 1498 3 5 John Cabot Patent from King Henry VII 1513 12 10 The Prince - Machiavelli 1515 8 16 Letter from Nunez de Balboa about seeing the Pacific Ocean 1520 10 30 Cortes's Second Letter to Charles V 1524 7 8 Giovanni da Verrazano Letter of his First Voyage 1578 6 11 Letters Patent to Sir Humfrey Gylberte 1584 3 25 Charter to Sir Walter Raleigh 1603 12 18 Charter of Acadia 1606 4 10 First Charter of Virginia 1609 5 23 Second Charter of Virginia 1611 3 12 Third Charter of Virginia 1614 10 11 Charter of New Netherland 1619 7 30 House of Burgesses First Meeting and Resolves 1619 8 20 First African Slaves Sold in Virginia 1620 11 3 Charter of New England 1620 11 11 Mayflower Compact 1621 7 24 Ordinances for Virginia 1622 8 10 Grant of Maine 1622 1626 11 5 Dutch Purchase of Manhatten 1628 3 18 Charter of Massachusetts Bay Colony 1628 1629 6 7 Charters of Freedoms and Exemptions 1630 4 Christain Charitie - ca John Winthrop 1632 6 20 Charter of Maryland 1634 4 28 Royal Commission for Regulating Plantations 1637 5 6 Declaration in Defense of an Order of Court 1639 1 14 Fundamental Orders of Connecticut 1639 6 4 Fundamental Agreement of New Haven 1641 3 16 Government of Rhode Island 1641 1641 12 10 Massachusetts Body of Liberties 1643 5 19 The Articles of Confederation of the United Colonies of New England 1643 11 6 Government of New Haven 1645 7 3 John Winthrop’s "Little Speech on Liberty" (1645) 1649 9 21 Maryland Toleration Act 1651 2 18 Barbados Declaration of Independence 1651 4 Leviathan - Thomas Hobbes 1657 12 27 Flushing Remonstrance 1662 4 23 Charter of Connecticut 1663 3 24 Charter of Carolina 1663 7 15 Rhode Island Royal Charter 1664 2 10 Concession and Agreement of New Jersey 1664 9 29 Dutch Surrender of New Netherlands to England 1665 6 30 Charter of Carolina 1669 3 1 Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina 1676 5 29 Berkeley's Response to Bacon 1676 7 30 Bacon's Rebellion Declaration 1681 7 11 Concessions to the Province of Pennsylvania 1682 5 5 Frame of Government of Pennsylvania 1683 1 1 Constitution of East New Jersey 1683 2 2 Pennsylvania Frame of Government 1683 1683 6 12 Randolph Condemns Massachusetts Bay Company 1686 4 7 Commission of Sir Andros for the Dominion of New England 1689 12 Second Treatise of Government - John Locke 1689 12 English Bill of Rights 1691 10 7 Charter of Massachusetts Bay Colony 1691 1696 11 1 Pennsylvania Frame of Government 1696 1697 2 8 Penn's Plan for Colonial Union 1701 10 28 Pennsylvania Charter of Privlieges 1701 10 28 Charter of Delaware 1713 3 14 Treaties of Utrecht 1725 8 26 Explanatory Charter of Massachusetts Bay 1732 6 9 Charter of Georgia 1732 1739 A Treatise of Human Nature - David Hume 1748 The Spirit of Laws- Montesquieu 1750 12 31 A Discourse Concerning Unlimited Submission and Non-Resistance to the Higher Powers by Jonathan Mayhew 1751 6 10 Currency Act 1751 1754 7 10 Albany Plan 1755 11 11 Pennsylvania Assembly Reply to the Governor about Native Raids 1758 Law of Nations - Emerich de Vattel 1758 10 12 Two Penny Act 1763 2 10 Treaty of Paris 1763 1763 10 7 Royal Proclamation of Colonial Boundaries 1764 On Crimes and Punishments - Cesare Beccaria 1764 An Essay in Vindication of the Continental Colonies of America by Arthur Lee 1764 1 30 A Narrative of the Late Massacres by Ben Franklin 1764 4 5 The Sugar Act 1764 4 19 Currency Act 1764 1764 5 24 Instructions to Boston's Representatives 1764 7 1 Principles of Law and Polity by Francis Bernard 1764 7 23 A Brief State of the Claim of the Colonies by Thomas Hutchinson 1764 7 30 THE RIGHTS OF THE British Colonies Asserted and proved. 1764 9 3 Sentiments of a British American by Oxenbridge Thacher 1764 10 18 New York Petition for the Repeal of the Sugar Act 1764 10 24 The Colonel Dismounted by Richard Bland 1764 11 Connecticut Petition by Thomas Fitch 1764 11 3 Petition from the Massachusetts House of Representatives to the House of Commons 1764 11 29 Rhode Island's Petition on the Sugar & Currency Acts 1764 11 30 Rights of Colonies Examined by Stephen Hopkins 1764 12 18 Petition of the Virginia House of Burgesses to the House of Commons 1765 Commentaries on the Laws of England - William Blackstone 1765 3 22 The Stamp Act 1765 5 15 Quartering Act of 1765 1765 5 29 Virginia Resolutions Responding to the Stamp Act 1765 6 8 Massachusetts Circular Letter of 1765 1765 7 4 The Late Regulations by John Dickinson 1765 9 Objections to Taxation Considered by Soame Jenyns 1765 9 21 Pennsylvania Resolves on the Stamp Act 1765 9 24 Braintree Instructions 1765 10 7 Public Letter to the People of Massachusetts by B.W. 1765 10 19 Stamp Act Congress Resolves 1765 10 25 Massachusett's Reply to Governor Bernard 1765 10 29 Massachusetts Resolves Against the Stamp Act 1765 10 31 New York Merchant's Non-importation Agreement 1765 11 29 South Carolina Resolves Against the Stamp Act 1765 12 10 Connecticut Resolution on the Stamp Act 1766 An Inquiry Into the Rights of the British Colonies by Richard Bland 1766 1 1 Considerations of Imposing Taxes by Dulany 1766 1 14 William Pitt's Speech Against the Stamp Act 1766 3 18 The Repeal of the Stamp Act 1766 3 18 The Declaratory Act 1766 5 23 The Snare Broken by Mayhew 1766 6 6 Repeal of the Sugar Act 1766 6 6 Free Port Act 1767 6 15 New York Restraining Act (1st Townshend Act) 1767 6 29 Commissioners of Customs Act (3rd Townshend Act) 1767 6 29 Revenue Act of 1767 (2nd Townshend Act) 1767 6 29 Indemnity Act of 1767 (4th Townshend Act) 1767 12 2 Letters from a Pennsylvania Farmer 1768 2 11 Massachusetts Circular Letters 1768 7 6 Vice-Admiralty Court Act (5th Townshend Act) 1768 8 1 Boston Non-Importation Agreement 1768 9 22 Boston Town Meeting Resolutions 1769 5 16 Virginia Resolves 1769 5 17 Virginia Nonimportation Agreement 1769 7 22 Charleston Non-Importation Agreement 1770 4 12 Repeal of Most of the Townshend Acts 1772 5 CALM AND RESPECTFUL THOUGHTS on the NEGATIVE of the CROWN by Zubly 1772 12 3 Beauties of Liberty by John Allen 1773 An Address on Slavery in America by Benjamin Rush 1773 3 12 Virginia Establishment of Colonial Correspondence 1773 4 10 Candidus 1773 5 10 The Tea Act 1773 9 11 Rules by which a Great Empire may be reduced to a small one 1773 10 16 Philadelphia Resolutions on the Tea Act 1773 12 17 New York Association of the Sons of Liberty 1774 3 31 Boston Port Act 1774 5 14 Observations &c. by Josiah Quincy II 1774 5 20 Adiministration of Justice Act 1774 5 20 Massachusetts Government Act 1774 5 24 Virginia Resolution to Fast and Pray for Boston 1774 6 2 Quartering Act 1774 6 22 Quebec Act 1774 7 18 Fairfax Resolves 1774 8 1 Thomas Jefferson A Summary View of the Rights of British America 1774 9 5 To the People of Great Britain 1774 9 17 Suffolk Resolves 1774 9 28 Galloway's Plan for Union 1774 10 14 First Continental Congress Resolutions 1774 10 20 Continental Association 1774 10 26 Petition to Repeal the Intolerable Acts 1774 12 12 Massachusettensis by Daniel Leonard 1774 12 15 A Full Vindication of the Measures of Congress by Alexander Hamilton 1775 1 23 Novanglus 1775 2 15 The Farmer Refuted by Alexander Hamilton 1775 2 27 Conciliatory Resolution 1775 3 8 African Slavery in America by Thomas Paine 1775 3 22 Edmund Burke's Speech on Conciliation 1775 3 23 Give me Liberty or give me Death 1775 3 30 The New England Restraining Act 1775 5 29 Letter to Canada 1775 5 31 The Charlotte Town Resolves 1775 6 15 Remarks on the Quebec Bill by Alexander Hamilton 1775 6 19 Washington's Commission 1775 7 6 Causes and Necessity of their taking up Arms 1775 7 8 Olive Branch Petition 1775 7 31 Report on the Conciliatory Resolution 1775 8 23 King George III Suppressing Rebellion Proclamation 1775 11 7 Lord Dunmore's Proclamation 1775 11 9 Resolution of Secrecy 1775 11 10 Establishment of the Marine Corps 1776 1 5 New Hampshire's Constitution 1776 1776 1 10 Thomas Paine's Common Sense 1776 3 23 Letter from Adams to Gates 1776 3 26 South Carolina's Constitution 1776 1776 4 1 John Adams, Thoughts on Government 1776 4 12 Halifax Resolves 1776 5 15 Preamble and Resolutions of the Virginia Convention 1776 6 11 Lee's Resolution 1776 6 12 Virginia Declaration of Rights 1776 6 29 Virginia Constitution 1776 1776 7 2 New Jersey Constitution 1776 7 4 Declaration of Independence 1776 8 21 Concord Town Resolutions on the Massachusetts Constitution 1776 9 10 Constitution of Delaware 1776 1776 9 11 Delaware's Declaration of Rights 1776 9 28 Constitution of Pennsylvania 1776 1776 11 11 Maryland Constitution 1776 1776 12 18 Constitution of North Carolina 1776 1776 12 23 The American Crisis Number I by Thomas Paine 1777 2 5 Georgia Constitution 1777 1777 4 20 New York Constitution 1777 1777 7 8 Constitution of Vermont 1777 1778 2 6 Treaty of Amity and Commerce Between The United States and France 1778 3 19 South Carolina Constitution 1778 1778 9 17 Treaty of Fort Pitt 1779 6 18 A Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom 1780 3 1 Pennsylvania Act to Abolish Slavery Previous Chapter Next Chapter

The Rights of the Colonists The Report of the Committee of Correspondence to the Boston Town Meeting, Nov. 20, 1772 Benjamin Franklin's Preface All accounts of the discontent so general in our colonies have of late years been industriously smothered and concealed here; it seeming to suit the views of the American minister [Lord Hillsborough], to have it understood that by his great abilities all faction was subdued, all opposition suppressed, and the whole country quieted. That the true state of affairs there may be known, and the true causes of that discontent well understood, the following piece (not the production of a private writer, but the unanimous act of a large American city), lately printed in New England, is republished here. This nation, and the other nations of Europe, may thereby learn, with more certainty, the grounds of a dissension that possibly may, sooner or later, have consequences interesting to them all. The colonies had from their first settlement been governed with more ease than perhaps can be equalled by any instance in history of dominions so distant. Their affection and respect for this country, while they were treated with kindness, produced an almost implicit obedience to the instructions of the Prince, and even to acts of the British Parliament; though the right of binding them by a legislature in which they were unrepresented was never clearly understood. That respect and affection produced a partiality in favor of everything that was English; whence their preference of English modes and manufactures; their submission to restraints on the importation of foreign goods, which they had but little desire to use; and the monopoly we so long enjoyed of their commerce, to the great enriching of our merchants and artificers. The mistaken policy of the Stamp Act first disturbed this happy situation; but the flame thereby raised was soon extinguished by its repeal, and the old harmony restored, with all its concomitant advantage to our commerce. The subsequent act of another administration, which, not content with an established exclusion of foreign manufactures, began to make our own merchandise dearer to the consumers there, by heavy duties, revived it again; and combinations were entered into throughout the continent to stop trading with Britain till those duties should be repealed. All were accordingly repealed but one, the duty on tea. This was reserved (professedly so) as a standing claim and exercise of the right assumed by Parliament of laying such duties. The colonies, on this repeal, retracted their agreement, so far as related to all other goods, except that on which the duty was retained. This was trumpeted here by the minister for the colonies as a triumph; there it was considered only as a decent and equitable measure, showing a willingness to meet the mother country in every advance towards a reconciliation, and a disposition to a good understanding so prevalent that possibly they might soon have relaxed in the article of tea also. But the system of commissioners of customs, officers without end, with fleets and armies for collecting and enforcing those duties, being continued, and these acting with much indiscretion and rashness (giving great and unnecessary trouble and obstruction to business, commencing unjust and vexatious suits, and harassing commerce in all its branches, while that the minister kept the people in a constant state of irritation by instructions which appeared to have no other end than the gratifying his private resentments), occasioned a persevering adherence to their resolutions in that particular; and the event should be a lesson to ministers not to risk through pique the obstructing any one branch of trade; since the course and connection of general business may be thereby disturbed to a degree impossible to be foreseen or imagined. For it appears that the colonies finding their humble petitions to have this duty repealed were rejected and treated with contempt, and that the produce of the duty was applied to the rewarding with undeserved salaries and pensions every one of their enemies, the duty itself became more odious, and their resolution to share it more vigorous and obstinate. The Dutch, the Danes, and French took this opportunity thus offered them by our imprudence, and began to smuggle their teas into the plantation. At first this was something difficult; but at length, as all business is improved by practice, it became easy. A coast fifteen hundred miles in length could not in all parts be guarded, even by the whole navy of England; especially when their restraining authority was by all the inhabitants deemed unconstitutional, the smuggling of course considered as patriotism. The needy wretches, too, who, with small salaries, were trusted to watch the ports day and night, in all weathers, found it easier and more profitable not only to wink, but to sleep in their beds; the merchant's pay being more generous than the King's. Other India goods, also, which, by themselves, would not have made a smuggling voyage sufficiently profitable, accompanied tea to advantage; and it is feared the cheap French silks, formerly rejected, as not to the tastes of the colonies, may have found their way with the wares of India, and now established themselves in the popular use and opinion. It is supposed that at least a million of Americans drink tea twice a day, which, at the first cost here, can scarce be reckoned at less than half a guinea a head per annum. This market, that in the five years which have run on since the act passed, would have paid two million five hundred thousand guineas for tea alone, into the coffers of the Company, we have wantonly lost to foreigners. Meanwhile it is said the duties have so diminished that the whole remittance of the last year amounted to no more than the pitiful sum of eighty-five pounds, for the expense of some hundred thousands, in armed ships and soldiers, to support the officers. Hence the tea, and other India goods, which might have been sold in America, remain rotting in the Company's warehouses; while those of foreign ports are known to be cleared by the American demand. Hence, in some degree, the Company's inability to pay their bills; the sinking of their stock, by which millions of property have been annihilated; the lowering of their dividend, whereby so many must be distressed; the loss to government of the stipulated four hundred thousand pounds a year, which must make a proportionable reduction in our savings towards the discharge of our enormous debt; and hence, in part, the severe blow suffered by credit in general, to the ruin of many families; the stagnation of business in Spitalfields and Manchester, through want of vent for their goods; with other future evils, which, as they cannot, from the numerous and secret connections in general commerce, easily be foreseen, can hardly be avoided. I. Natural Rights of the Colonists as Men. Among the natural rights of the Colonists are these: First, a right to life; Secondly, to liberty; Thirdly, to property; together with the right to support and defend them in the best manner they can. These are evident branches of, rather than deductions from, the duty of self-preservation, commonly called the first law of nature. All men have a right to remain in a state of nature as long as they please; and in case of intolerable oppression, civil or religious, to leave the society they belong to, and enter into another. When men enter into society, it is by voluntary consent; and they have a right to demand and insist upon the performance of such conditions and previous limitations as form an equitable original compact. Every natural right not expressly given up, or, from the nature of a social compact, necessarily ceded, remains. All positive and civil laws should conform, as far as possible, to the law of natural reason and equity. As neither reason requires nor religion permits the contrary, every man living in or out of a state of civil society has a right peaceably and quietly to worship God according to the dictates of his conscience. "Just and true liberty, equal and impartial liberty," in matters spiritual and temporal, is a thing that all men are clearly entitled to by the eternal and immutable laws of God and nature, as well as by the law of nations and all well-grounded municipal laws, which must have their foundation in the former. In regard to religion, mutual toleration in the different professions thereof is what all good and candid minds in all ages have ever practised, and, both by precept and example, inculcated on mankind. And it is now generally agreed among Christians that this spirit of toleration, in the fullest extent consistent with the being of civil society, is the chief characteristical mark of the Church. Insomuch that Mr. Locke has asserted and proved, beyond the possibility of contradiction on any solid ground, that such toleration ought to be extended to all whose doctrines are not subversive of society. The only sects which he thinks ought to be, and which by all wise laws are excluded from such toleration, are those who teach doctrines subversive of the civil government under which they live. The Roman Catholics or Papists are excluded by reason of such doctrines as these, that princes excommunicated may be deposed, and those that they call heretics may be destroyed without mercy; besides their recognizing the Pope in so absolute a manner, in subversion of government, by introducing, as far as possible into the states under whose protection they enjoy life, liberty, and property, that solecism in politics, imperium in imperio, leading directly to the worst anarchy and confusion, civil discord, war, and bloodshed. The natural liberty of man, by entering into society, is abridged or restrained, so far only as is necessary for the great end of society, the best good of the whole. In the state of nature every man is, under God, judge and sole judge of his own rights and of the injuries done him. By entering into society he agrees to an arbiter or indifferent judge between him and his neighbors; but he no more renounces his original right than by taking a cause out of the ordinary course of law, and leaving the decision to referees or indifferent arbitrators. In the last case, he must pay the referees for time and trouble. He should also be willing to pay his just quota for the support of government, the law, and the constitution; the end of which is to furnish indifferent and impartial judges in all cases that may happen, whether civil, ecclesiastical, marine, or military. The natural liberty of man is to be free from any superior power on earth, and not to be under the will or legislative authority of man, but only to have the law of nature for his rule. In the state of nature men may, as the patriarchs did, employ hired servants for the defence of their lives, liberties, and property; and they should pay them reasonable wages. Government was instituted for the purposes of common defence, and those who hold the reins of government have an equitable, natural right to an honorable support from the same principle that " the laborer is worthy of his hire." But then the same community which they serve ought to be the assessors of their pay. Governors have no right to seek and take what they please; by this, instead of being content with the station assigned them, that of honorable servants of the society, they would soon become absolute masters, despots, and tyrants. Hence, as a private man has a right to say what wages he will give in his private affairs, so has a community to determine what they will give and grant of their substance for the administration of public affairs. And, in both cases, more are ready to offer their service at the proposed and stipulated price than are able and willing to perform their duty. In short, it is the greatest absurdity to suppose it in the power of one, or any number of men, at the entering into society, to renounce their essential natural rights, or the means of preserving those rights; when the grand end of civil government, from the very nature of its institution, is for the support, protection, and defence of those very rights; the principal of which, as is before observed, are Life, Liberty, and Property. If men, through fear, fraud, or mistake, should in terms renounce or give up any essential natural right, the eternal law of reason and the grand end of society would absolutely vacate such renunciation. The right to freedom being the gift of God Almighty, it is not in the power of man to alienate this gift and voluntarily become a slave. II. The Rights of the Colonists as Christians. These may be best understood by reading and carefully studying the institutes of the great Law Giver and Head of the Christian Church, which are to be found clearly written and promulgated in the New Testament. By the act of the British Parliament, commonly called the Toleration Act, every subject in England, except Papists, &c., was restored to, and re-established in, his natural right to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience. And, by the charter of this Province, it is granted, ordained, and established (that is, declared as an original right) that there shall be liberty of conscience allowed in the worship of God to all Christians, except Papists, inhabiting, or which shall inhabit or be resident within, such Province or Territory. Magna Charta itself is in substance but a constrained declaration or proclamation and promulgation in the name of the King, Lords, and Commons, of the sense the latter had of their original, inherent, indefeasible natural rights, as also those of free citizens equally perdurable with the other. That great author, that great jurist, and even that court writer, Mr. Justice Blackstone, holds that this recognition was justly obtained of King John, sword in hand. And peradventure it must be one day, sword in hand, again rescued and preserved from total destruction and oblivion. III. The Rights of the Colonists as Subjects. A commonwealth or state is a body politic, or civil society of men, united together to promote their mutual safety and prosperity by means of their union. The absolute rights of Englishmen and all freemen, in or out of civil society, are principally personal security, personal liberty, and private property. All persons born in the British American Colonies are, by the laws of God and nature and by the common law of England, exclusive of all charters from the Crown, well entitled, and by acts of the British Parliament are declared to be entitled, to all the natural, essential, inherent, and inseparable rights, liberties, and privileges of subjects born in Great Britain or within the realm. Among those rights are the following, which no man, or body of men, consistently with their own rights as men and citizens, or members of society, can for themselves give up or take away from others. First, "The first fundamental, positive law of all common wealths or states is the establishing the legislative power. As the first fundamental natural law, also, which is to govern even the legislative power itself, is the preservation of the society." Secondly, The Legislative has no right to absolute, arbitrary power over the lives and fortunes of the people; nor can mortals assume a prerogative not only too high for men, but for angels, and therefore reserved for the exercise of the Deity alone. "The Legislative cannot justly assume to itself a power to rule by extempore arbitrary decrees; but it is bound to see that justice is dispensed, and that the rights of the subjects be decided by promulgated, standing, and known laws, and authorized independent judges"; that is, independent, as far as possible, of Prince and people. "There should be one rule of justice for rich and poor, for the favorite at court, and the countryman at the plough." Thirdly, The supreme power cannot justly take from any man any part of his property, without his consent in person or by his representative. These are some of the first principles of natural law and justice, and the great barriers of all free states and of the British Constitution in particular. It is utterly irreconcilable to these principles and to many other fundamental maxims of the common law, common sense, and reason that a British House of Commons should have a right at pleasure to give and grant the property of the Colonists. (That the Colonists are well entitled to all the essential rights, liberties, and privileges of men and freemen born in Britain is manifest not only from the Colony charters in general, but acts of the British Parliament.) The statute of the 13th of Geo. 2, C. 7, naturalizes even foreigners after seven years' residence. The words of the Massachusetts charter are these: "And further, our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby for us, our heirs, and successors, grant, establish, and ordain, that all and every of the subjects of us, our heirs, and successors, which shall go to, and inhabit within our said Province or Territory, and every of their children, which shall happen to be born there or on the seas in going thither or returning from thence, shall have and enjoy all liberties and immunities of free and natural subjects within any of the dominions of us, our heirs, and successors, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever as if they and every one of them were born within this our realm of England." Now what liberty can there be where property is taken away without consent? Can it be said with any color of truth and justice, that this continent of three thousand miles in length, and of a breadth as yet unexplored, in which, however, it is supposed there are five millions of people, has the least voice, vote, or influence in the British Parliament? Have they all together any more weight or power to return a single member to that House of Commons who have not inadvertently, but deliberately, assumed a power to dispose of their lives, liberties, and properties, than to choose an Emperor of China? Had the Colonists a right to return members to the British Parliament, it would only be hurtful; as, from their local situation and circumstances, it is impossible they should ever be truly and properly represented there. The inhabitants of this country, in all probability, in a few years, will be more numerous than those of Great Britain and Ireland together; yet it is absurdly expected by the promoters of the present measures that these, with their posterity to all generations, should be easy, while their property shall be disposed of by a House of Commons at three thousand miles' distance from them, and who cannot be supposed to have the least care or concern for their real interest; who have not only no natural care for their interest, but must be in effect bribed against it, as every burden they lay on the Colonists is so much saved or gained to themselves. Hitherto, many of the Colonists have been free from quit rents; but if the breath of a British House of Commons can originate an act for taking away all our money, our lands will go next, or be subject to rack rents from haughty and relentless landlords, who will ride at ease, while we are trodden in the dirt. The Colonists have been branded with the odious names of traitors and rebels only for complaining of their grievances. How long such treatment will or ought to be borne, is submitted. Source: https://history.hanover.edu/texts/adamss.html